Hebrew:pB. ʕōz 'name of a bird, prob. black eagle' [Ja. 1049], [Levy WTM III 626].
Judaic Aramaic:ʕuzzā 'name of bird of prey, prob. sea-eagle' [Ja. 1049], ʕuzyā 'name of a bird of prey, prob. black eagle' [ibid.], ʕwz 'bird of prey' [Sok. 398]. // Also ʔāzā, ʔazzā 'sea-eagle' [Ja. 36], with ʔ- instead of ʕ-. Syr. ʕizyā 'ardea cinerea' [Brock. 519].
Arabic:ʕazīzat- 'aigle' [BK 2 241] (cf. [Fr. III 149], [TA XV 231]).
Notes: Possibly related with suffixed -n are Hbr. ʕozniyyā 'an unclean bird: sea eagle (?); osprey (?); black vulture (?); bearded vulture (?)' [KB 810] and Syr. ʕznʔ 'avis rapacis species' [Brock. 519] (a Hebraism?). // Note also Arb. ʕanz- 'femelle d'aigle et de vautour; femelle d'outarde' [BK 2 383], [LA V 382] (with -n- in word-middle position). It is difficult in the present context to avoid mentioning Akk. anzû 'a mythological creature resembling an eagle' OB on [CAD a 153]. The Akk. term is universally recongized as a Sumerism but both the origial shape of the Sum. source-word and its phonetic evolution in Akkadian are still under discussion (cf. [Alster]). One wonders whether comparison to the present root may help to solve at least some of the difficulties connected with this difficult term.
Akkadian:baḳḳu (bāḳu) 'gnat' OB on [CAD b 101], [AHw. 105]. // In OB only in the lexical list MSL 2 139.19 (nu-úNU = ba-aḳ-ḳum) and in proper names. Further details see in [Landsberger Fauna 131]. The reading ba-ḳí in the OAkk. incantation Kish 1930 143:12,32 adopted in [AHw.] is to be abandoned, see discussion in [CAD]. // A reduplicated form baḳbaḳḳu 'small gnat' SB [CAD b 100], [AHw. 1547] is known only from the title of an incantation (ÉN baḳbaḳḳu 'the incantation "Little gnat"' Or. 34.108.7). // Evidence for buḳāḳu 'little gnat' OAkk., Mari [CAD b 323], [AHw. 139] is limited to proper names (more details on buḳāḳu in Mari see in [Streck 168, 192]).
Judaic Aramaic:baḳḳā, baḳḳǝtā 'gnat' [Ja. 185], [Levy WTM I 253].
Eblaitic:ba-ša-nu-um [MEE IV 0031]. // In a monolingual lexical list among other snake names (identified with the present root in [DLU 123]).
Ugaritic:bt_n, bt_nt 'serpiente, dragón' [DLU 123]. // The commonest term for this animal in Ugr. denoting both real snakes (as in 1.82:6: bt_nm ʔuh̊d bʕlm 'catch the snakes, оh bʕl') and a mythical snake-dragon (as in 1.5 I 1-3: ktmh̊ṣ ltn bt_n brḥ // tkly bt_n ʕḳltn // šlyṭ d šbʕt rʔašm 'when you smote ltn, the fugitive snake // destroyed the crooked snake // the ruler (?), that of seven heads'; note the remarkable parallelism with Akk. bašmu below).
Arabic:bat_an- 'coulevre, serpent' [BK 2 85], [Fr. I 84], but_n- 'genre de reptile' [Blachère 376] (not in national lexicography).
Notes:The Ebl.-Ugr.-Arb. isogloss must be considered a sufficiently solid base for postulating *bat_an- as the earliest PS form; accordingly, only these forms appear in the main section of the present root. According to [KB 165], here also belong Hbr. bāšān in Dt 33.22 (dān gūr ʔaryē // yǝnazzēḳ min habbāšān) and Ps 68.23 (ʔāmar ʔădōnāy mibbāšān ʔāšīb // ʔāšīb mimmǝṣūlōt yām), to be differentiated from the well-known GN bāšān 'Bashan'. On the second passage where b. is supposed to parallel the deified Sea (yām) see [Sasson 401-2]. Finally, Arm. Anc. btn 'serpent' is postulated and defended in [Fitzmyer 89] for the difficult passage KAI 222A 32 (cf. [HJ 1024] for a good number of other suggestions). // At the same time, a number of clearly related forms displaying various phonetic irregularities are attested in other languages: Common Aramaic *patn- 'snake' (Jud. pitnā 'asp, adder' [Ja. 1255], ptn 'snake' [Sok. 456], Sam. ptn 'snake' [Tal 718], Syr. patnā 'vipera, aspis' [Brock. 618], pattānā [PS 3345]). Hbr. pätän 'horned viper' [KB 990] (pB. 'asp, adder' [Ja. 1255]), a relatively rare poetic term, is commonly thought to be an Aramaic loanword (for a not fully convincing argumentation see [Wagner 97]); Ebl. ba-ša-mu-um = Sum. MAH.MUS̆ [Fronzaroli Ebla Lexicon 138] (ЭТО НАДО ОБЯЗАТЕЛЬНО ДОСТАТЬ!), Akk. bašmu 'a horned serpent; the constellation Hydra' OB on [CAD b 141], [AHw. 112] (an exlusively mythical aquatic reptile with six mouths and seven tongues, cf. [Lansberger Fauna 58] and [Humbert]). Sum. US̆UM must be in some way connected with bašmu but this problem needs further clarification; Muh. buttǝyamat, Eža Cha. butyamat, Enm. butǝyämata, Gyt. butyämata 'viper' [LGur. 164]. // [Fron. 296]: *bat_m- 'serpente velenoso' (Arb., Syr., Ugr., Akk.); [KB 990]: Hbr., Arm., Ugr., Arb., Akk.; [DLU 122]: Ugr., Hbr., Arm., Ebl. (-m-, -n-), Akk.; [Landsberger Fauna 58]: Akk., Syr., Hbr., Arb., Ugr.; [Firmage 1156]: Hbr., Ugr., Arm., Arb. (considered an Aramaism).
Akkadian:(?) bilbillu 'a kind of wasp' SB [CAD b 225], [AHw. 863] (pilpillu is given as an alternative reading). // Hapax in MSL 8/2 61:222-222a (= Sum. NIM.UR4.UR4). Rejected reading
Akkadian:bukānu (bukannu) 'an insect' SB [CAD b 308], 'ein Wurm' [AHw. 136]. // Only in lexical lists (also in the combination išid bukāni), see [Landsberger Fauna 130]. In both [AHw.] and [CAD] identified with bukānu 'pestle' which does not look convincing in view of the Sem. parallels (see already [Landsberger Fauna 130]: 'die Beziehung [of bukānu 'pestle'] auf die Wurmart ist mir unklar'; cf. also discussion in MSL 2 113-5).
Hebrew:pB. bukyā 'the spider' [Ja. 145], [Levy WTM I 198], bīkay 'name of a spider' [Ja. 161].
Gurage: Zwy. bōke 'gnat' [LGur. 135]. // Treated as a Cushitism by Leslau who also quotes Tna. bǝkʷ (absent from [Bass.]).
Akkadian:*bŭ̄rtu (in burt/di šamh̊at) 'caterpillar' SB [CAD b 333], būrta/i šam/nh̊at 'eine Insektenlarve' [AHw. 141]. // Known from lexical lists (= Akk. h̊arsapnu) and a very difficult passage from Vassal treaties of Asarhaddon where it appears in a substantially different form (bur-di šá-h̊i, Wiseman Treaties 579). According to von Soden, to be interpreted as 'im Brunnen ist sie üppig' (apparently analysed as būrt-iš 'in the well' + šamh̊at 3 f. sg. stative from šamāh̊u 'to flourish') which is hardly convincing even for a folk etymology (for a critique of the above analysis cf. e.g. [Borger 193]). The approach adopted in [CAD] is more attractive: "Possibly a foreign word interpreted by the ancients as a descriptive term, "fat cow"". As the Gur. parallels show, this original faunal term might have been genuine Semitic rather than foreign.
Gurage: Muh. burä, Cha. Gyt. bura, Eža bʷǝra, Enm. bũra 'insect that eats the root of the äsät' [LGur. 150, 729], Eža bǝre, Cha. bre 'insect (such as a bug or a louse that eats human excrements or // cereal)' [ibid. 150].
Notes: Cf. a number of semantically comparable forms possibly developed from this biconsonantal root: Amh. bǝrrabǝrro (birrabirro) 'butterfly' [K 882]; Arb. burām- 'tique' [Blachère 582], [Fr. I 114], [LA XII 45], Tgr. bǝram 'tick' [LH 275] (probably an Arabism); Arb. nibr- 'teigne; mouche ou autre insecte qui incommode les chameaux et dont la piqûre cause une enflure' [BK 2 1183], [Fr. IV 231], [LA V 189]; Arb. habūr- 'araignée', habbūr- 'petite fourmi' [BK 2 1380], [Fr. IV 362], [LA V 249].
Akkadian:bakru (pakru) 'young of a camel or a donkey' SB [CAD b 35]. // Rarely attested. The meaning 'young of a camel' is evident in Rost Tigl. III p. 26:157 (anaḳāte adi ANS̆E ba-ak-ka-re-ši-na 'she-camels with their youngs'). In [AHw. 97] two different lexemes are postulated, b/pakru 'Kameljunges' (considered an Arabism) and bakkaru 'Esels-, Kamelfüllen' (also thought to be a WS loan). This approach does not seem convincing since the base bakkar- is attested only in the plural (pl. formations of this kind are well attested in Akk., cf. this and other examples in [Reiner 64]).
Hebrew:bēkär 'young male camel' [KB 131], bikrā 'young she-camel' [ibid.]. // Both terms are Hapax: Is 60.6 (bikrē midyān 'young camels of Midian') and Jr 2.23 (bikrā ḳallā mǝŝāräkät dǝrākǟhā 'a swift young she-camel twisting her paths).
Aramaic: D.-Alla bkr 'young camel' [HJ 164] (pl. bkrn) // Very uncertain, see discussion [ibid.].
Arabic:bakr- 'jeune chamelle (depuis l'âge de trois ans jusqu'à six, où elle devient baʕīr-) [BK 1 153], [Lane 240], [LA IV 79]), bukr- 'petit de chameau; jeune chameau' [ibid.] (v. [Hommel 160-1]). // Note also bikr- 'vache qui n'a pas encore connu le má̀le' [BK 1 153] (according to [LA IV 78], also ʔan-nāḳatu l-latī waladat baṭnan wāḥidan).
Epigraphic South Arabian: Sab. bkr(t) 'young camel' [SD 28]. // In votive inscriptions C 521/4 (wwfy bkryhw 'and the well-being of his both young camels', context damaged) and C 579/4,5 (hḳny ... bkrtn d_t d_hbn lw[fy] bkrthw 'he dedicated ... this bronze she-camel for the well-being of his she-camel' (v. in more detail [Sima 43]).
Tigre:bäkrät 'young she-camel' [LH 290]. // Also bǝkar 'young animal that has brought forth for the first time' [ibid.], bäkar 'chameaux stériles' [ibid.] (apud D'Abbadie). Possibility of borrowing from Arb. cannot be excluded.
Gurage: Cha. Eža End. Enm. Gyt. Gog. Muh. bäxǝr 'cow that calves for the first time' [LGur. 137] (according to Leslau, this meaning is derived from 'firstborn').
Mehri:bōkǝr 'young female 2 year old camel that has not yet given birth' [JM 46].
Jibbali:békǝr 'animal with one young only', bɔkrút 'young camel' [JJ 25].
Harsusi:bōker 'young she-camel which has not yet given birth' [JH 17].
Soqotri:mibkéroh 'jeune chamelle' [LS 86]. // Note also békǝr 'animal with one young only' [JJ 25] (not [LS]).
Notes: Most probably related to PS *bkr 'to be young, early' (cf. also *bakur- 'firstborn'), but undoubtedly reconstructible as a PS funal term. // Comparison with Amh. bohor 'reedbuck' [K 856] suggested in [DRS 64] is difficult semantically. Note also Cha. Eža. End. bäxar, Gyt. baxar 'fat cow or ox' [LGur. 137]. // [DRS 64]: Arb., Hbr., ESA, MSA, Amh. (bohor); [KB 131]: Hbr., Arb., Akk.; [LS 86]: Soq., MSA, Hbr., Arb., Akk.
Hebrew:barbūr 'a bird fattened to be eaten by king Solomon' [KB 154]. // Hapax in 1R 5.3 in the "additional list" of meat animals forming Solomon's diet (lǝbad mēʔayyāl ūṣǝbī wǝyaḥmūr ūbarbūrīm ʔăbūsīm 'apart from deer, gazelle, roe and fattened b.'). While the context itself does not provide explicit evidence for understanding b. as a kind of bird, there is an old tradition of its understanding in this way (cf. Jerome's avium altilium).
Notes: Not very reliable. The Arb. forms ʔabū burbur 'cuckoo' and birbir 'chicken' are not present in the available dictionaries of Classical Arabic (for the last term v. [Baranov 63]).
Ugaritic:dʔiy 'ave rapaz, convencionalmente "gavilán"' [DLU 126]. // In 1.18 IV 18 (ʔaštk km nšr bḥbšy // km dʔiy btʕrty 'I will put you as an eagle on my belt // like a d. on my sheath') and 1.19 I 33 (ʕl bt ʔabh nšrm trh̊pn // ybṣr ḥbl dʔiym 'vultures hover over your father's house // a band of d. is seen'). Cf. [Sasson 406].
Hebrew:dāʔā 'red kite' [KB 207], dayyā 'unclean bird of prey (frequenting ruins)' [ibid. 220], pB. [Ja. 275, 295]. // In the dietary percepts Lv 11.14 and Dt 14.13 (between ʕozniyyā and ʔayyā in the first passage, between ʔayyā and ʕōrēb in the second) as well as in Is 34.15 (inhabiting ruins: ʔak šām niḳbǝṣū dayyōt // ʔiššā rǝʕūtāh 'also d. are gathering there // one with another'.
Judaic Aramaic:dayyǝtā, dayyūtā 'name of several unclean birds' [Ja. 299], [Levy WTM I 393]; dyyh, det. dyyth 'kite' [Sok. 145].
Arabic:daʔyat- (in ʔibnu-daʔyat-) 'épithète du corbeau' [BK 1 661], [LA XIV 242]. // Literally "son of d." (for a similar compound terms see Hbr. pB. and Arm. below).
Notes: Verbal roots meaning 'to fly' in Ugr. (dʔy 'volar' [DLU 126]) and Hbr. (dāʔā 'to fly, to glide' [KB 207]) - in both cases also about birds of prey - are probably derived from the present term. In Ugr. see also dʔiy 'ala, remo' [DLU 126]. Most probably related are the following forms with prefixed h-: Hbr. pB. hădāyā (bän-hădāyā, bar-hădāyā) 'a bird of the hawk species' [Ja. 333], Jud. br hwdyy 'an unclean bird' [Sok. 98] (cf. [Levy WTM I 453, 257]), Mnd. hadia 'kite, vulture' [DM 116]. // The following terms, more or less close phonetically, cannot be adduced as immediate cognates because of the semantic obscurity: Akk. dūdu 'a bird' SB [CAD d 170], [AHw. 174] (found in one lexical list, cf. [Salonen Vögel 137ff.]: "vermutlich ein schwalbenähnlicher Vogel"); Akk. dimītu (if from *diwītu?) 'a bird or a locust' SB [CAD d 143], 'eine Art Heuschrecke?' [AHw. 170]. Found in one lexical list (Idu II 363ff., equated to Sum. BURU5; according to [Salonen Vögel 158], "deutlich ein Vogel"). Compared to the present root already in [Zimmern 51]; Tgr. dah (Nebenform ʔadhǝʔ) 'a bird (eine Storchenart /Sattelstorch?/)' [LH 509]; Amh. dudute 'a kind of bird' [K 1826]; Gog. duʔduʔ 'kind of bird' [LGur. 193]. // [DRS 202]: Hbr., Arm. (connects with the verbal root dʔy 'to fly'); [KB 207, 220]: Hbr., Ugr., Arm.; [DLU 126]: Ugr., Hbr., Syr.; [Brock. 150]: Syr., Jud., Hbr., Akk. (dimītu).
Akkadian:dabû (dabbu), fem. dabītu 'bear' OB on [CAD d 17], OAkk. on [AHw. 148]. // In a few SB literary and lexical text, earlier - in proper names only. Cf. further [Landsberger Fauna 82-3], [Salonen Jagd 194-5]. Geminated -b- in da-ab-bu (Malku V 50) is probably due to a WS influence.
Eblaitic:da-bù(-um), dab6-bù = AZ [MEE 4 870a] (см. [Kreb. 33], [Civil Ebla 90]).
Ugaritic:db 'oso' [DLU 127]. // Not very reliable (hd r[bṣ?] kmdb btk ɣrh 'hd lies (?) as a bear in his mountain' 1.101.2).
Aramaic: Anc. dbhh [HJ 238]. // In KAI 222A 31: pm ḥwh wpm ʕḳrb wpm dbhh wpm nmrh 'the mouth of a snake, the mouth of a scorpion, the mouth of a bear, the mouth of a panter' (translation after [Fitzmyer 45], cf. commentary and references [ibid. 88]). Interpretation of d. as bear is widely accepted thought a several alternatives are mentioned in [HJ]. A double h in Asulaut is not easy to explain (any connection with -û in Akk. dabû?). // Off. db, dwb 'bear' [HJ 237]. // In Aḥiq 120 (dbʔ ʔzl ʕl ʔmr[yʔ] 'a bear came to rams', cf. Porten in [HJ 1239] as well as [PY 46], [Kott. 196]) and Frah IX 7 (dwbrmtʔ, according to [Nyberg 74], dōb rāmātā 'bear of the // mountains'; = h̊irs).
Biblical Aramaic:dōb 'bear' [KB 1847]. // In Da 7.5 (one of the animals of Daniel's visions).
Arabic:dubb- 'ours', dubbat- 'ourse' [BK 1 662], [Fr. II 2], [Lane 841], [LA I 372]. // Often thought to be a borrowing (see already [Hommel 302]) which is possible but difficult to prove. Critical remarks on Hommel's position see in [Nöldeke Review 1260-1]; curiously, the term is glossed as ʕarabiyyatun ṣaḥīḥatun ("pure Arabic word") in [LA].
Geʕez (Ethiopian):dǝbb 'bear' [LGz. 119].
Tigre:dǝbb 'bear' [LH 526].
Tigrai (Tigriñña):dǝbbi 'orso' [Bass. 774].
Amharic:dǝbb 'bear' [K 1774].
Notes: Difference in morphological shape betweeen Akk. (now also Ebl.) and WS has been repeatedly observed but no convincing solution has been proposed so far. // Ugr. dbb (always in the pl. dbbm) is rendered as 'bestia, animal mítico; demonio' in [DLU 127] and, semantically, is well compatible with the present root (for a similar meaning development cf. dǝbbi 'a demoniac animal' [LH 526], most probably borrowed from Tna). Morphologially, a double -bb- is difficult to reconcile with the the word-structure of the present term unless we assume that dbbm is an apophonic plural from db (*dubb- ~ *dubab-ūma). This suggestion, however, remains purely hypothetic since C1VC2C2- nouns in Ugr. (as in Hbr.) usually do not form their pl. apophonically (cf. [Tropper UG 253ff.]); the only possible exception seems to be rbt '10.000' which does appear as rbbt in the plural (alongside with rbt), cf. [ibid. 363-4]. // [Fron. 293]: *daby-, *dabb- 'orso' (Gez., Arb., Syr., Jud., Hbr.); [DLU 204-5]: Akk., Hbr., Arm., Arb., Eth. (discussion, especially on the Eth. forms); [Kreb. 33]: Ebl., Akk. (dabû, dabbu), Arb., Hbr., Syr.; [DLU 127]: Ugr., Hbr., Syr., Ebl., Akk., Arb., Gez.; [KB 208]: Hbr., Arm., Syr., Arb., Gez., Akk.; [Hommel 301]: *dibbu (Arb., Gez., Hbr., Syr., Akk.); [LGz. 119]: Gez., Eth., Arb., Hbr., Arm., Akk. (dubbu, dabû, thought to be WS loans; note that the first form must be an error for dabbu); [Firmage 1153]: Akk., Hbr., Arm., Gez., Arb.
Hebrew:dǝbōrā '(wild) honey-bee' [KB 208], pB. [Ja. 276]. // Since the term is not very common, it is impossible to know whether it refers also to the domesticated bee.
Arabic:dabr- 'essaim (d'abeilles ou de frelons)', dibr- 'essaim (d'abeilles ou de frelons); sauterelles qui viennent d'éclore' [BK 1 665], [Fr. II 4], [Lane 845], [LA IV 274- 5], dabbūr- 'bourdon, grosse mouche, frelon; reineabeille' [Dozy I 422], [LA IV 274], daybarān- 'guêpe' [Dozy I 274]].
Amharic:dibʷara 'a yellow fly which afflicts cattle' [K 1781] (в сочетании dibʷara zǝmb).
Notes: Two groups of comparable forms with a different first radical are attested: d_-forms: Hrs. d_ebēr, d_ebáyr 'hornet, fly' [JH 28] (cf. Mhr. d_ǝbēr, Jib. ɛd_bir quoted [ibid.]; none appears in [JM] and [JJ]); z-forms (often with -mb-, -nb- instead of -bb-): Jud. zibbōrā 'bee, wasp' [Ja. 390], 'Biene, Wespe' [Levy WTM I 511], zybwry 'hornet' [Sok. 175], Sam. zanbur 'hornet' [Tal 234] (acc. to Tal, an Arabism), Mnd. zimbura 'hornet, bee' [DM 166], zambura 'wasp, hornet' [ibid. 159]; Arb. zanbūr-,zinbār- 'guêpe' [BK 1 970], [Lane 1256], [LA IV 331]; Gez. // zanbir 'hornet, wasp' [LGz. 640]. // Relationship between the three sets of forms remains obscure. One can postulate one PS root (most probably with *d_-, taking the MSA forms as archaic) which would imply irregular phonetic developments *d_ > d and *d_ > z in a number of languages (such irregularties are not very difficult to concieve for a term with a certain degree of expresssivity like the present // one; note, on the other hand, that a considerable group of examples with PS *d_ > Hbr. d is known otherwise, only some of them collected in [Rabin]). Alternatively, two different roots *dVbVr- and *zV(n)bVr- can be postulated which would point to a secondary d_ in the MSA (possibly under the influence of PS *d_VbVb- 'bee'). Most of the above forms were treated in some detail in [GVG I 134] and [Blau 1970 46] (Blau is inclined to reconstruct two different protofoms); none of the two works takes the MSA evidence in consideration, however. // If *d_VbVr- as posited as the proto-form, it is difficult to avoid comparison to the PS term for 'fly' (*d_VbVb-, No. ...). In view of the possibility of -b and -r being fossilized markers of harmful and useful animals ([Diakonoff AL 57], cf. already [Yushmanov 174ff.]), // [DRS 213]: ("on suppose un doublet proto-sémitique DBR/ZBR"); Hbr., Arm. (d-), Arb. (d-), MSA (d_-forms for all the continental languages); [ibid. 678]: Arm. (z-), Arb., Gez.; [KB 208]: Hbr., Jud. (d-, z-), Syr., Mnd., Arb. (d-, z-), Gez. (considered an Arabism); [Brock. 140]: Syr., Jud. (d-), Hbr., Mnd., Arb. (d-, z-); [LGz. 640]: Gez. (considered an Arabism), Arb. (z-), Hbr., Mhr. (d_ǝbēr, an error for Hrs.?), Mnd., Jud. (d-, z-), Syr. (zebbūrā, zanbūrā, not in [Brock.] with this meaning but cf. zanbūrā 'vespa' [PS 1140]); [Firmage 1155]: Hbr., Arm. (dabbartā), Arb. (dibr-, dabbūr-).
Akkadian:dumāmu (tumāmu) 'a wild animal' SB [CAD d 179], 'Gepard' [AHw. 175]. // Outside lexical lists (= Sum. UR.GUG4.KUD.DA), attested in Gilg. VIII 16 (among the animals wailing for Enkidu, between lulīmu 'stag' and nēšu 'lion'). Cf. further [Landsberger Fauna 84], [Salonen Jagd 198]. It is difficult to agree with [CAD] that d. is "possibly a foreign word'.
Arabic:dimm-at- 'сhаt' [BK 1 728-9], [Fr. II 53], [Dozy I 459] ("...un mot éthiopien. Vers la fin du XVIe siècle, il était en usage dans le Yémen..."). Also dam- 'chat' [BK 1 736].
Geʕez (Ethiopian):dǝmmat 'cat' [LGz 136].
Tigre:dǝmmu id. [LH 514].
Tigrai (Tigriñña):dǝmmu 'gatto' [Bassano 755].
Amharic:dǝmmät 'cat' [K 1725].
Notes: [DRS 274]: Akk., Arb., Eth.; [Hommel 319]: Arb., Akk., Gez.; [LGz. 136]: Gez., Eth., Arb. (Leslau - following a personal communication by W.W.Müller - denies the possibility of an Ethiopian origin for Arb. dimmat-; note that contrary to Müller's opinion the presence of this term in old and modern Arb. dialects of Yemen must be an argument in favour of the Eth. origin of the term rather than against it).
Hebrew:dǝrōr 'a kind of bird (swallow, dove?)' [KB 230], pB. ṣippōr dǝrōr 'a free bird living in the house as well as in the field' [Ja. 322] (a folk-etymological interpretation through dǝrōr 'freedom'). // In two Biblical passages as a parallel to ṣippōr 'bird' (in these cases possibly 'sparrow'?): gam-ṣippōr māṣǝʔā-bayit // ūdǝrōr ḳēn lāh 'also the bird finds its home // and d. has a nest' (Ps 84.4), kaṣṣippōr lānūd kaddǝrōr lāʕūp 'as a bird flutters and a d. flies out' (Pr. 26.2).
Aramaic: D.-Alla drr 'subst. indicating bird: swallow or dove?' [HJ 262]. // In I 8-9, context rather uncertain: drr nšrt ywn ('the swallow tears at the dove' according to [Hackett 49]).
Arabic:durr-at- 'perroquet' [BK 1 682], 'la perruche à collier couleur de rose' [Dozy I 428].
Notes: Amh. dura 'parrot' [K 1732] and Har. durra ūf 'hoopoe bird' [LHar. 58] are considered Arabisms in the respective sources. // Cf. Amh. där(r)ay 'aquatic, web-footed bird which has black or white plumage' [K 1752] and dǝrri 'kind of bird' [LGur. 218]. Comparison with Eth. terms for hen, chicken (Gez. dorho,doroho 'chicken' [LGz 142], Tgr. derho 'chicken' [LH 517], Tna. därho 'pollo, gallina' [Bass. 760], Amh. doro 'chicken' [K 1734], Gog. Sod. ǯärä 'hen, chicken' [LGur 319]) is hardly tenable. The same is true about Syr. dardā 'vultur' [Brock. 166]. // [DRS 319]: Hbr., D.-Alla, Arb., Msq.
Akkadian:zību 'jackal, vulture' SB [CAD z 106], [AHw. 1525]. // Exact meaning of the term is not easy to establish. Attestations with the MUS̆EN determinative make the meaning 'kind of bird [of prey]' quite certain (cf. [Salonen Vögel 109, 237, 293] where it is identified with Gyps fulvus, 'Gänsegeier'). Note that a very similar meaning shift in Akk. is supposed for PS *ṣ̂abuʕ- 'hyena', cf. No. ... . On the other hand, serious doubts about z. as a term for a mammal have been expressed. In its radical form, this approach is found in MSL VIII/2 129 (according to Landsberger, z. is never applied to mammals) and is accepted by CAD where the traditional rendering 'jackal' is preserved for some passages only (with a remark that even there the translation 'vulture' is possible or even preferable). A different treatement is found in [AHw] where new textual evidence in favour of the traditional translation are adduced (e.g. kalbū u zībū ina ḳerbīšun ēmidū 'dogs and jackals assembled in their recesses' Iraq 16.192.55). An indirect evidence for the translation 'jackal' is the locust name BURU5 zi-bu-ú equated to Sum. BURU5 KA5.A ('fox-jackal'). In Malku V 44 zi-i-bu = bar-ba-ru (i.e. 'wolf'). As rightly pointed out in [CAD z 106], this usage is to be explained as a WS borrowing or influence (cf. [Landsberger Fauna 78]).
Hebrew:zǝʔēb 'wolf' [KB 260], pB. [Ja. 377]. // A relatively rare poetic term, usually in parallelism with other large predatory mammals (nāmēr, kǝpīr, ʔaryē). Outside the Hebrew Bible cf. Sir 13.17 (mh yḥwbr zʔb ʔl kbš 'what have in common a wolf and a ram?'), probably inverting the phraseology of Isaiah (e.g. wǝgār zǝʔēb ʕim käbäŝ 'and a wolf will dwell with a ram', Is 11.6).
Aramaic: D.-Alla [z]ʔ̣ḅ 'wolf' [Hackett 129]. // In I.10 (reconstruction is not very certain but yields good sense in the context: ʔrnbn ʔklw [z]ʔ̣ḅ 'зайцы сьели волка'). // Off. dʔb, dyb 'wolf' [HJ 237]. // The form dybʔ is found in Frah IX 5 (= gurg), see [Nyberg 73]; dʔb in Aḥiq 199 is not very certain (see references in [HJ]).
Akkadian:zumbu (zubbu, zunbu) 'fly' OB on [CAD z 154], [AHw. 1535-6]. // Common in literary and lexical texts. The earliest attestations are in Atrah̊asīs, e.g. III 44 (kīma zubbī īwû lillidū 'my offsprings became like flies', v. [Lambert-Millard 184] for other references). Also in OB z. is found with the transferred meaning 'kind of stone or metal jewel' or metal jewel' (see more details in [Lion-Michel 723]; the meaning shift is illustrated by the famous passage Atr. 100.2: zu-ub-bu-ú a[n-nu-tum] lu-ú uḳ-ni ki-ša-di-i[a-a-ma] 'these flies - let them become the lapis-lazuli of my neck!').
Eblaitic:za-ba-bù-um = NINza-bux(NI) [MEE IV 368] ('fly' according to [Civil Ebla 85]).
Notes: Not very reliable since the semantic difference between the terms under comparison is considerable (note also that the Hbr. form must be an Aramaism in view of d-).
